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Doctor Radically Lowers Costs… Gets Attacked By Liberals

doctor

Dr. Keith Smith, co-founder of the Oklahoma Surgery Center

According to liberals, you are pretty dumb. Of course, that’s great for them because then they get to figure out how they can make you smarter. It’s funny how that works out for them, isn’t it?

Well, another liberal statist is at it again. In her article, “Can you really choose a hospital based on price?” Trudy Lieberman takes a swing at the Oklahama Surgery Center, which is managed by Dr. Keith Smith. In the article, Lieberman claims that the Oklahoma Surgery Center is a symptom of consumerism healthcare and ultimately threatens the vitality of doctor-patient relationships

Dr. Smith has personally responded to the article with his own blog post on the subject, but we wanted to stick up for him too. We think what Dr. Smith has done is one of the most noble and exciting things that we’ve seen in healthcare in recent years.

What is the Oklahoma Surgery Center?

For a little bit of background, the Oklahoma Surgery Center is run entirely on a for-profit basis. While government continues to drive up costs and centralize control over healthcare, Dr. Smith has used his talent and knowledge of the market to set up a for-profit surgery center based on truly free market principles. The surgery center posts its prices so that its patients understand exactly what they are paying. This makes the Oklahoma Surgery Center accountable to its patients, requiring Dr. Smith to figure out ways to lower cost while increasing the quality of care.

Consequently, Dr. Smith has significantly lowered costs on his procedures. Some of the surgeries that you would pay for at the Oklahoma Surgery center cost mere hundreds of dollars while at a normal “not for profit” hospital, they would cost thousands of dollars.

Imagine if the entire healthcare industry operated on that platform!

Enter the Liberal Journalist

Of course, the fact that Dr. Smith’s innovative approach to healthcare actually lowers costs for patients and focuses on strong patient service is not enough for some people. It doesn’t fit well with their desire to keep a regulatory stranglehold on healthcare.

Trudy Lieberman’s article fits this description perfectly. She incredulously asks “The marketplace gurus are telling us we can buy health care like TV sets and search for the lowest price tag. But can you really choose a place for surgery based on the best price? And more importantly, should you?”

In other words, if you find Dr. Smith’s service to be beneficial to your health and if you are happy to pay the price that he offers, Trudy Lieberman wants to question your basic ability as a rational human being to make that decision. Why? And furthermore, if you’re not smart enough to make your own healthcare decisions, what gives Trudy Lieberman the right to say otherwise? If she’s right, isn’t she just as human as the rest of us?

But then she goes even further, throwing out baseless attacks at the surgery center, implying that they are merely trying to provide the lowest cost to patients basically by destroying the trust in traditional patient-doctor relationships.

This is because, in Trudy’s worldview, mutually beneficial exchange is not a symbol of trust. However, does that even make sense for one second? Dr. Smith is not a robot, and neither are his staff. Presumably, if Dr. Smith is running a good surgery center, he treats his patients well, cuts costs where reasonable, and exercises integrity toward all of them. He has to do so if he wants to keep his prices low and his customers happy.

What about that process destroys the trust that a patient has with a doctor?

So, in the end, what is Trudy’s real problem with the Oklahoma Surgery Center? The only problem that I can see is that she’s worried that free individuals, acting voluntarily and under their own personal judgement, are not smart enough to make the decisions that she believes is right for them to make. She views the employees of the Oklahoma Surgery Center and their patients as inferiors who are mistakenly pursuing the wrong path that will potentially harm the effectiveness of the healthcare industry. And it is up to her to point out their errors and to correct them.

Although she might think that this observation is sublime, we simply find it offensive.

If you are interested in Dr. Smith’s surgery center and learning about how a truly free market approach to healthcare could benefit patients, check out this video that details just how fantastic the Oklahoma center is at providing high quality care to its patients at low prices. It’s a testament to the fact that if the government were to get out of healthcare and allow capitalism to flourish, we would not have the healthcare crisis we have today.

Stop Hating the Rich

Ok.  Pet peeve.

I’m tired of hearing people talk about how the rich game the system and take all of our money. Certainly, corporate welfare and cronyism play a part of the present injustices in society. It’s evil and it has to stop.

But this general hatred of the rich and of their wealth absolutely has to go. I keep hearing people complain that the rich have gamed the system and taken everything from us. They are out to get the middle class, to turn us into their personal serfs, they exploit labor, etc., etc., etc. We’re told that it’s not fair that they are rich and we are not. Our president literally banks his political rhetoric off of the assumption that most Americans accept this attitude.

If you’re one of these people, stop it. Just stop it.

Chances are, if you were to take one random day from a rich person’s life (Steve Jobs, Mark Zuckerberg, Bill Gates, Elon Musk, Truett Cathy, Charles Koch, David Koch, Warren Buffett, etc.) I would bet that in that day, they provided more value for the rest of society than either your life or my life in total. Their various political viewpoints aside, in their day to day lives, these people have taken risks, launched new ventures, failed many times, tested many ideas, and figured out newer and better ways of serving you and me.  For that, millions of individuals have voluntarily given them lots of money.

Instead of thinking about how greedy and evil rich people are, instead of being angry that they have more money than others, instead of worrying about income inequality, instead of complaining that the system is rigged against us, ask yourself just one question:

“What value have I created today in service of others?”

Let’s stop ripping at the speck in the eye of the rich and start realizing the log of envy that is rammed fast into our own eye.  It’s a really humbling thought to realize that the reason that you’re not wealthy yet is not because you’re young, old, unlucky, tired, perpetually busy, or a victim of circumstances.

It’s because you’re just not as good as the rich at giving the world a lot of value.

This isn’t an insult.  It’s just a fact.  The only person that can change this reality is you.  The Internet has transformed many of the old ways that people used to run businesses and make money.  It’s given us all a platform from which to think and to explore new ideas.  It’s provided us with the ability to each figure out how we can contribute to a dynamic and changing world.  At the same time, that means that none of us have an excuse for an inability to provide value to the world.

I ask again:

“What value have I created today in service of others?”

If more people started asking themselves this question whenever they heard someone complaining about corporate greed, wealthy elites, and the 1%…

…then maybe, just maybe, the world might change a little bit for the better.

5 Gun Facts: What Obama Doesn’t Want You To Know

Barack ObamaObama just finished his press conference on guns. It was completely insane and uninformed, as anyone with a background in firearms or the criminology can attest. He proposed everything from over 20 executive orders to requests for all-out bans on some guns. He wants to ban “assault weapons”, ban magazines that hold more than 10 rounds, force all gun sellers to require a background check, and he even is trying to use Obamacare to tackle gun rights.

The entire move is one huge volley on the constitution, common sense, and essentially anyone who knows anything about how our gun laws currently work. This means Obama is either completely illiterate about guns, is lying, or — more likely — both.

For the sake of education, I want to set some things straight about Obama’s press conference. He does not understand much of anything with regard to how guns work:

1) Civilians are already not allowed to purchase “military style assault rifles.”

Civilians can only purchase semi-auto rifles. These rifles lack key features of assault rifles, including the ability to “select fire.” As with any other modern gun that citizens are legally allowed to own, you pull the trigger one time and a bullet comes out. This is not an assault rifle ban — this is just a ban on regular rifles that Obama thinks look scary.

2) A “high-capacity magazine” is not a magazine that has more than 10 rounds.

This is a completely arbitrary and political definition of a “high-capacity” magazine. High capacity magazines are those that contain more rounds than are designed for the gun. This means that if your handgun is designed for magazines that hold 19 rounds (such as a Springfield 9mm XDM), a high capacity magazine would be a magazine that holds more than 19 rounds. This means that if your AR-15 is designed for a 20-30 round clip (newsflash: it is), then a high-capacity magazine would hold more than 30 rounds.

3) There are at least five reasons to own semi-automatic rifles:

  • First, to prepare against the possibility of foreign invasion. Unlikely, but legitimate.
  • Second, to prepare against government tyranny. Again, unlikely, but legitimate.
  • Third, to prepare against the possibility of aggressive mobs/riots. Much more likely than the first two scenarios. When the police ran away, the store owners in Koreatown during the LA riots defended their businesses by taking position on the rooftops of their shops while armed with various types of guns, including semi-automatic rifles.
  • Fourth, for home defense. While there is a legitimate and robust debate to be had about which type of gun is ideal for home defense, it is completely unreasonable to rule out by law a semi-automatic rifle as a home defense weapon.
  • Fifth, for hunting. The AR-10 rifle, for example, is a popular platform for a semi-automatic rifle that is often used for hunting.

4) Restricting arbitrary “high-capacity” magazines won’t stop mass shootings.

First of all, criminals would get their hands on outlawed “high-capacity magazines” anyway. Second, with enough practice, magazine reload time is completely unrelated to the ability to continue shooting a handgun or rifle at a rapid pace. Any individual who practices enough can train themselves to release and reload a mag in a split second with almost no break in the rate of fire.

5) Gun control legislation has been empirically demonstrated to be ineffective.

The United States, despite having the highest gun ownership rate in the world (88 guns per 100 people), has 2.97 gun homicides per 100,000 people.

However, when gun control is instituted, such as in Chicago, and Washington D.C., it is always accompanied by an increase in violent crime. In the UK, handgun crime doubled after they banned guns.

Please share this, particularly with individuals who are unaware of the facts about how guns work and about how ineffective gun control legislation is. It is only through reasonable education (and not sanctimonious appeals to letters written by children) that we can come to a rational position on this issue.

5 Lies the Government Continues to Tell You About Social Security

Two days ago, 87 House Democrats sent a letter to John Boehner about Social Security.  Apparently, they were concerned that Republicans might try to use Social Security funding as a bargaining chip throughout the fiscal cliff negotiations this month.  Consequently, they wanted to let Speaker Boehner know about the concerns that they have for the well-being of the American people who are relying upon the “promise” of Social Security.What a Liberal Thinks about Social Security

 

In reality, the letter re-stated some age-old lies about Social Security that politicians continue to repeat over and over again.  Apparently, it’s worked for many people, because they’ve come to admire the Social Security program with awe and wonder.

But for those of us who would like to be deceived no more, it’s time to highlight these shockingly outrageous lies.  Not every single one was included in the letter, but you can be sure that all of the adherents to the letter would proclaim loudly and openly, without a hint of shame.

1. “Social Security is a promise.”

Few phrases are uttered with as much sanctimony and reverence as this one.  In fact, the letter the Democrats sent to Boehner explicitly talked about how seniors have “earned their benefits by working hard and paying into the system.”   The implication is that Washington politicians have a duty to fulfill the promise of Social Security to those hard-working seniors.

The problem is that those very same politicians have made a career out of duping those hard-working seniors that they claim to esteem so highly.  As Harry Browne explains:

“Social Security operates on a simple principle: You give your retirement money to politicians and they squander it on something else.  They may spend it on someone else’s retirement–or on building monuments to themselves–or on programs to curry re-election support from special-interest groups.  But the one thing they will never do is put your money in a trust fund earmarked for your retirement.” (Fail-Safe Investing, p. 9)

The only way we can understand that there is a “Social Security promise” is to understand that it’s a promise that politicians will continue to rob us of our retirement savings.

2. “Social Security has a trust fund.”

“But wait a minute,” the politicians will say, “There’s a trust fund!  That’s where the money goes!”

False.  This is another blatant and disturbing lie.

Social Security taxes are immediately swallowed up to pay for whatever Congress wants to use it for.  To accomplish this, the Social Security Administration gives the money that it collects in Social Security taxes to the Treasury.  In exchange, the Social Security Administration receives a bunch of debt from the Treasury.  They cash in on the old debt for current retirees and channel the new debt that comes whenever we pay payroll taxes to the back of the “debt conveyor belt.”  In the meantime, there is no money deposited anywhere for anyone.  All of it has already been spent years ago to support the unconstitutional policies that the federal government imposes on our nation.

All that’s left of this magical trust fund is a pile of unfunded liabilities that totals $20.5 trillion.

3. “Social Security is social insurance.”  Social Security was allegedly sold to the public under this lie.  When Roosevelt tried to garner support for his scheme, he thought that casting it in the light of “insurance” would get people to like it.  This lie has been repeated over and over since then in order to continue to confuse and blind Americans about the true nature of Social Security.

As Charlotte Twight recorded, “As we have seen, such ‘continued public ignorance’ was aided and abetted by the willful actions of government officials who deliberately muddied the waters by deceptively characterizing Social Security as just like private insurance.” (Dependent on D.C., p. 76).

As the program became more accepted, the older generation realized that there was a lot more potential for their pocketbooks than just “social insurance,” as Roosevelt knew they would.  They realized that Social Security worked great as a benefit…and after all, since they paid into the system in their younger years, why shouldn’t they collect from it when they were older?

So in practice, everyone understands that the social insurance argument is a complete lie because they understand that it functions as an entitlement program.  It transfers money from the younger generation to the older generation, leaving today’s young people completely hanging out to dry when they’re older.

4. “Social Security is not going broke.”  Anyone who says this with a straight face is trying to sell you beachfront property in Oklahoma.  And yet, in the letter sent by the 87 House Democrats yesterday, they said, ” Social Security operates in a fiscally responsible manner.”  Such Doublespeak is only fit for the world of 1984.

Social Security is going broke.  There’s no other honest way to put it.  No matter what the politicians in Washington say, it’s going broke.  The CBO has pushed Social Security’s insolvency date up to 2033.  The Social Security Administration itself admits that 2033 is the date that its IOU’s will be exhausted.

It’s a bold-faced lie to say that Social Security is solvent.  People who do say that are trying to divert the issue and make us feel at ease.  But for us young people especially who know that we’re paying into a failed system, it only makes some of us angrier to hear such lies spew from the mouths of elected officials.

5. “Social Security is not a pyramid scheme.”

In reality, Social Security is nothing but a pyramid scheme that benefits the politicians that run it first, and the individuals who made it into the system in its early stages second.  It completely screws over those of us who are just entering the labor force today and seeking to provide for our futures.  On a daily basis, millions of young workers are being robbed of money they will never see again when they could be putting that same money away into savings and retirement.

As Harry Browne put it, “Social Security operates on a basis that would send the owners of any private insurance company to prison: It expects to repay your ‘contribution’ with money it will take from someone else later.  As the years pass, it becomes harder and harder to keep this pyramid scheme going.”  (Fail-Safe Investing, p. 9)

As with the previous four lies that have been debunked in this article, this is another bold-faced lie issued by apologists of the welfare state who don’t want to admit that what they do is technically illegal as well as completely immoral.  Funny how convenient it is for them to perpetuate it though.

Conclusion

Let’s get something straight here: if you want to experience a truly Orwellian discussion, talk to a politician about Social Security sometime.  Newspeak and Doublethink are definitively in these days whenever our archaic, freedom-crushing, federally run retirement program is mentioned.  It’s as if “Social Security” is a holy sacrament worthy of only the highest praise and honor.  Unfortunately, even Republicans like Paul Ryan and Marco Rubio want to “fix” Social Security so that it will be there for Americans in their old age.

But instead of pretending we can “fix” such a broken system in any way that is both moral and economical, it’s time for us to realize that Social Security is on its way out.  Let it die along with the lies that have so falsely propped it up for so long.  It’s important that we give Americans the freedom to secure their own retirement future rather than trusting the government to do it for us.

They’ve done a miserable job so far and they’ve lied about it to our faces.  All Americans should find such dictatorial behavior simply unsatisfactory.

Read this next:

1. Share This: Obama Wants $1.6 trillion Tax, Infinite Debt Limit

2. When Obamacare Fails, They’ll Blame the “Free Market”

3. This is Why Obama Won the Election

Is World War III Next?

Disclaimer: Absolutely nothing in this article is a prediction of things to come.  However, I am absolutely shocked by how eerily history is repeating itself in our time.  We are living through one of the most fascinating periods of civilization, and not only that, we have a blueprint from the past that has so far, been quite closely emulated in the current epoch.  Time will either prove the following words to be mere chatter…or something more.  What that “something more” may be, I cannot yet tell.

They say that those who fail to remember the past are condemned to repeat it.  One of the most tragic facts about the past four years is that we have repeated many of the mistakes that Hoover and FDR made in response to the Great Depression.  Instead of allowing the market to naturally recover and reallocate resources efficiently, Presidents Obama and Bush raced in with grandiose visions of a rescued economy.  Now, we stand poised to race off into another chaotic war in the Middle East.  As angry Muslims riot in front of our embassies all over the globe, and the U.S. joins an armada of 25 nations in support of an Israeli strike on Iran, we have to ask the question: is history repeating itself?  Will the 2010s be a repeat of the 1930s and 1940s?

Does the glory of a third World War against a mad fascist dictator rise out of the ashes of failed stimulus and a historic crash?

The 1930s and 1940s: Crash, stagnation, and World War

The United States economy danced upon the edge of a precipice in 1929.  Without realizing it, the stock market collapsed into oblivion that October, tumbling to record lows and propelling America into a Great Depression.  In response, then President Hoover decided that he had to do something to save the economy.  He signed numerous laws attempting to stimulate economic growth, set price controls, institute tariffs, and raise wages.  When any attempts at recovery were stifled by his oppressive interventions, the people turned to a new and charismatic Democrat who would restore the American economy to greatness.  Upon his election, he instituted massive government programs under the oversight of bloated bureaucracies in an effort to “put America back to work.”

Across the ocean, a fascist tyrant preached of the glory of National Socialism and the greatness of the Nazi party.  He rose to power after abusive interventionist policies by Western governments doomed his country after World War II.  Hitler was quickly become the great boogeyman of the West.

Meanwhile, back in America, the effects of the Depression lingered on for an entire decade.  To the average American, FDR’s grand promises were worthless.  Some people received benefits from his welfare programs, but they came at a great overall cost to the rest of the economy, hindering recovery at every turn.  Tariffs were thrown up against foreign nations to stimulate domestic production.  None of it worked.

And then the greatest distraction in history came.  The U.S. was attacked at Pearl Harbor by the Japanese and the nation was swept up in a patriotic fervor.  FDR became a war president who was able to nationalize production and thrive on the patriotic fervor of the era.  It was also his pleasure to round up all Japanese Americans into internment camps while the rest of America stood idly by.  Wartime production overshadowed depression, leading some economic historians to falsely claim that World War II ended the Great Depression.  In reality, the U.S. was merely breaking windows, both at home and abroad, and supporting a vast welfare/warfare state with unlimited fervor…all in the name of taking down the madman, Hitler and the Imperial Japanese.

When the dust settled, America had helped win a global conflict and there was no more depression.  But the “guns and butter” blueprint for governance was firmly implanted into the soul of American culture.  The rest of the 20th century was marked by a rising welfare state, a correlating decline in moral virtue, and a propensity toward new military adventures in foreign states.

The 2000s and 2010s: Crash, stagnation…and World War?

After a prolonged growth period of fun and games in the housing market, 2008 proved to be the year of reckoning.  The United States economy suffered a severe crash that prompted hasty legislative action by Congress.  It didn’t take long for President Bush to sign into law a $700 billion bailout of the banking industry that was designed to keep money flowing throughout the economy.  What it really did was deter the market from restoring itself to fundamentals after having been artificially propped up by cheap credit and easy money policy by the Federal Reserve.

Then, out went the Republicans and in came the charismatic champion of the people, defender of the welfare state, President Barack Obama.  Using the same economic philosophies as President Roosevelt, President Obama set up czars, partially nationalized the auto industry, signed into law a $1 trillion stimulus package, and instituted a massive federal takeover of healthcare that was jammed through Congress before anyone had a chance to read it.  Since then, the economy has experienced no real recovery, remaining stagnant and insecure.  Real unemployment remains at around 15% while over 50% of college graduates cannot find a job.  Many people have literally stopped looking for a job and left the labor force completely.

Furthermore, President Obama has continued the legacy of his predecessor, George W. Bush, by eroding civil liberties and increasing the federal government’s power to indefinitely detain U.S. citizens.  National security documents have identified individuals who buy gold, hold to religious fundamentalism, and have strongly negative views about government as possible terrorists.  The police state has grown to the point where it can literally peer at our naked bodies and grope our private parts in the name of “keeping us safe.”

In the midst of all of this, a foreign enemy has allegedly reared its head on the horizon.  After numerous Western interventions in Middle East affairs (and particularly Iranian regimes), Iran’s Islamo-fascist dictator, Ahmadinejad, has become the West’s big boogeyman.  Harsh economic sanctions have been erected and the rhetoric has grown ever more bellicose as the world prepares for conflict.  The United States, along with 24 other nations, is building up an armada in the Persian Gulf to support an Israeli preemptive strike against Iran.  This occurs while the United States presses charges against China, threatening trade relations and aggravating a powerhouse in Asia.  To the north of Iran, there’s no telling what Russia thinks or how it would react to a pre-emptive strike on its oil-rich southern neighbor.

Oh yeah, and the whole Muslim world is protesting at embassies all over the globe:

 

 

 

 

 

In the meantime, the U.S. economy limps on with no real recovery in sight, propped up by artificial stimulus, cheap money, and government programs.

What Will Happen Next?

At this point, the pattern becomes incomplete because we cannot predict the future.  War has not yet begun and hopefully it will never come.  Perhaps the economy may return to its fundamentals and achieve real recovery in the coming years, either through a change of heart by Washington politicians or something else.

Also, there are many technical differences between now and the late 1930s.  It’s quite possible to demonstrate how certain things are more different now than they were back then.

But, the underlying questions–and the general pattern of historical repetition–remain.  Will we go to war and will the rest of the world join in?  Will another major war refocus our citizens on a global conflict and allow for wartime mobilization, nationalization, and mass detainment of certain groups of citizens?  Will we break enough windows to spur massive GDP growth in order to create the illusion of economic recovery under a centralized economy?   And in the end, will we be even further entrenched in the doomed policies of overburdened welfare and constant warfare?

Time will tell if history repeats itself.  Thus far, we have been condemned to repeat it.

Austrian Economics in Real Life

By Jason Hughey, Capitalism Institute staff writer

______________________________________

As I noted in my last article, Austrian economics begins with the axiom of human action.  From this, it derives its analytical approach of methodological action.  When applied to the actual study of economics, this means that Austrians like to get at the root of the matter by understanding the impact of economic phenomena upon the individual and the impact that the individual has on economic phenomena.

In this article, I will present some more applicable concepts within Austrian economics that you can apply to the way you look at the world.  These concepts may affect your political viewpoint or even reconsider certain assumptions you have about business and finance.   The concepts will cover:

1. Hazlitt’s One Lesson of Economics

2. Austrian Economics and Entreprenuership

3. Austrian Economics and Monopoly

Henry Hazlitt: The One Lesson of Economics

 An Austrian economist named Henry Hazlitt articulated this principle by saying that economics could be boiled down to one very simple lesson.  In his book, Economics in One Lesson, he stated that the one basic lesson of economics “consists in looking not merely at the immediate but at the longer effects of any act or policy; it consists in tracing the consequences of that policy not merely for one group but for all groups.”

Therefore, it is only rational to consider how economic realities will affect all groups of individuals within a given society for the long-term if we want to come to valid deductions about true economic principles.  Otherwise, we run the risk of ignoring the “Forgotten Man” that the sociologist, William Graham Sumner, once described in his essay by that name.  Hazlitt accepts the concept of the “Forgotten Man” as well, noting that it refers to all individuals that are taken for granted by economic policymakers, including those in the short and long-term.  If a bank man requests a stimulus, then it must come from someone else in society who has the money to give it to him.

In modern political terms, Hazlitt’s concept of analyzing economic policy solely by its long-term effects on the interests of all is a revolutionary, but mostly ignored, notion.  Understanding Hazlitt’s lesson gives us the tools to analyze the inefficiencies and economic dangers hiding behind many economic policies.  Hazlitt’s lesson challenges the established wisdom of mainstream economists and politicians who believe that there is such a thing as “corporations that are too big to fail.”  If this is true, it assumes that something must be done now to serve the economic interests of a group of society, regardless of the cost to the rest of society.

Likewise, it challenges the belief that stimulus spending is a good idea.  Other, more complex arguments in Austrian economics also challenge this notion, such as the theory of capital structure and the Austrian business cycle theory, but the simple logic of Hazlitt’s lesson provides a compelling reason to consider deficit spending a risky danger.  This is because deficit spending, particularly in times of crisis, is motivated by the needs of the present and the interests of select groups.  Central banks, politicians, and financial institutions cry out for deficit spending to save the economy, but they almost never consider the long-term effect of deficit spending upon current and future members of society.

Hazlitt’s lesson also requires us to come to grips with the scarcity of conditions.  If capital, time, and money can only be used toward any one end at any specific time, use them wisely with a long-term vision in mind.  Think to yourself constantly about maximizing the output of your input.  This might seem too arduous for some, but it’s absolutely necessary.  Being frivolous and carefree is extolled in our cultural entertainment and it’s practically the linchpin of most economic policy in the United States, but it’s the death knell of wisdom and sound financial management.

Austrian Economics and Entrepreneurship

One of the most wonderful insights that the Austrians have gifted us with is the Austrian explanation of the phenomenon of entrepreneurship.  If you are interested in learning more about the actual scholarship behind the Austrian theory of entrepreneurship, Israel Kirzner and Joseph Schumpeter are considered to be two of the most important Austrians who contributed to its development—although Kirzner does not always agree with Schumpeter.  Therefore, for the purposes of clarity, let’s keep to a simple summary of what Austrian economics generally teaches us about the entrepreneur.

Have you ever wondered why we have businesses, products, and advertising in the first place?  Austrian economics, with its emphasis on methodological individualism, reminds us that the entrepreneur is the true driver of these endeavors.  Whether he is the CEO of a booming corporation or a self-employed small business owner, such an individual is an entrepreneur.  This means that, absent government intervention, he has a gift (or a talent) for discerning a need in society and producing something that helps other people meet that need at such a value that he gains a profit in order to sustain himself and his operation.

This means that he can also adjust to the fact that the value of his products change over time.  According to the Austrians, this is one of the most miraculous aspects of the entrepreneur.  Although admittedly imperfect, entrepreneurs can react almost instantaneously to adjustments in demand, to excesses or shortages in supply, and to the competitive effects of other companies.  Certainly, this entrepreneurial process has a few flaws, but the Austrians effectively show that it is, by far, the most efficient means of achieving healthy output in correlation with demand at true market value.

There is one essential caveat to the efficiency of the entrepreneur: he cannot be insulated from either the rewards or punishments of the market by an external force if he is to sustain efficient and profitable production.  This means, by extension, that government protections, bailouts, subsidies, fines, price regulations, etc. act to distort the incentives of the business owners who are intended recipients of these policies as well as entrepreneurs that are affected by their unforeseen consequences.

Thus, CEO’s and business owners who lobby the government for more regulation in the market, by definition, cannot be considered true entrepreneurs.  Instead, they are rent seekers who are simply facades that rely upon corrupt corporatism to keep their operations successful.  They do not earn the respect of consumers by producing quality products and working to satisfy consumer desires.  Instead, they demand and rely upon the support of the taxpayer, regardless of whether or not the taxpayer even wants their product.  This is the opposite effect of what the entrepreneur provides to society, according to the Austrians.

This understanding of real entrepreneurship has relevance for both the way that we think and the way we act.  The next time you take the chance to consider all the stuff that you own, think about how it got there.  It didn’t get there because a very nice man thought that someday you personally would like to have a bunch of stuff, so he took the time to make everything you now own and give it to you.  Nor was it a group of very nice men who each made one of the things that you own and gave it to you.   And it certainly wasn’t because the government stole your money and gave it to well-connected lobbyists.

The reason that you own most of the stuff you do is because thousands of entrepreneurs all over the world who don’t know your name realized that you (and a lot of other people) really wanted something that they were very good at making.  They started a company, and whether it is large or small, they did not ever think about you personally.  Using their talent and skill, they worked hard to determine what price they could sell their product so as to keep producing and innovating it in order to sustain a profitable enterprise.  One day, you decided you wanted a product that these entrepreneurs were making and you bought it.  That same process has continued until the very moment that you are reading this article.

That’s how entrepreneurship works.  In the realm of social cooperation under a free market, entrepreneurs function as agents of change who overcome obstacles for the benefit of others.  In a sense, they are both geniuses and heroes, who make the world a better place for us, often without knowing anything about the people that they are helping.  If we can think about entrepreneurship like this, it will help us better understand and reject those policies that stifle entrepreneurship, especially if we can see through the crony corporatism that lies at the heart of many such policies.  Unfortunately, as Jeffrey Tucker shows, it is becoming harder to look at mainstream products and not see how they have been either propped up or made worse by government interventions.

Austrian economics and Monopoly

No, this is not an explanation as to why Austrian economics finds fault with the rules of the board game, “Monopoly.”  Economist, Ben Powell, has already succeeded in pointing out the game’s flaws here.  What we’re really here to consider is the true definition of monopoly powers while we decide what that means for us.

The Austrians contend that the fear of a market-based monopoly power in a free market is unwarranted.  This is for a host of reasons, but I’ll boil it down to the basic argument.  Austrians believe that having one company own 90% of a given market is not a harmful problem to society.  In fact, it’s an efficient solution to many social problems because it means that some entrepreneur has figured out how to make lots of people pleased with his product at a price they are willing to pay for it.  This enhances social cooperation, and therefore, it should not really be considered a monopoly.

If you think about it, this makes sense.  Just because a company owns the vast majority of the market in the production of a certain good, they can only maintain their dominant share (in a free market) by continuing to excel in the provision of that product.  If they slip up or another company figures out a better way to produce a similar product, then they lose their advantage in the eyes of consumers.  The key principle is that such falsely called “monopolies” are still subject to the principles of competition, market price changes, and consumer sovereignty.

It’s important to note that Austrians don’t contend that monopolies can’t exist.  Instead, they believe that government power is the source of monopoly power because it insulates companies from market forces, allowing such companies to exist regardless if they are truly a good company.  This protects inefficiency and subsidizes poor service.  In short, it completely distorts the incentives of the free market mechanism, granting companies a social reward in the form of taxpayer dollars that they would not have received had they been subject to market forces.

What does this understanding of monopoly power mean to us?  Although this is a complete deviation from the actual theory of Austrian economics, I see in this definition of monopoly power a warning against envy.  Whether in sports or in business, when the same people win over and over again, people tend to get very jealous of their victories.  Now, if those victories come because of corruption, then there may be basis for some righteous indignation.  However, when companies truly succeed because their skill is great, our legal system has created anti-trust laws to break them up.  It’s become expected that we should tear down the best just because they are the best.

 It’s a perfect shame, really.  If we were students of Austrian methodology, we might better understand that using coercive authority to break up successful companies does nothing except hurt the people that those companies are serving.  Moreover, it satisfies our envious passions.  Either way, it seems a little odd to believe that we should amputate Tom Brady’s arm or make Kobe Bryant play blindfolded just because we are tired of their success.  Likewise, it should seem odd to desire that successful companies that have emerged through the competitive process of the market should be legally punished for their success at serving us.

The only time we should criticize monopolies is when we find those that are propped up by government through laws, protections, and subsidies.  We should seek to remove those protections and allow the company to compete with the rest of the market.

Conclusion

Ultimately, what matters most in regard to applying what we know about Austrian economics is that you take the time to research and consider the important issues yourself.  One of the greatest reasons for the economic mess that we are in is because individuals no longer want to think about the hard stuff and hold others accountable to rigorous standards of critical thinking.  This has to change on both personal and societal levels if there is to be a successful reform of this country’s economic system.  Therefore, even if Austrian economics simply challenges the way we think about certain issues—and nothing more—it will have been successful at making a significant personal impact.

Additional Resources:

“Entrepreneurship,” by Russell S. Sobel (Online version accessible at: http://www.econlib.org/library/Enc/Entrepreneurship.html)

“The Forgotten Man,” by William G. Sumner (Online version accessible at: http://mises.org/daily/2485)

Economics in One Lesson by Henry Hazlitt (Online version accessible at: http://www.fee.org/library/books/economics-in-one-lesson/)

“Kirzner, Entrepreneurship, and the Market Approach to Development,” by Israel Kirzner (Online version accessible at: http://oll.libertyfund.org/index.php?option=com_content&task=view&id=504&Itemid=282)

The 5 Basic Principles of Austrian Economics

What is the Austrian School of economics?  If you’re even slightly familiar with this school, you’ve probably heard of economists such as Hayek and Mises.  If you’ve done more than cursory research, you’ve also probably come across some thoughts by Murray Rothbard, Israel Kirzner, and Carl Menger.  You might be aware of some interesting insights into the Austrian theory of the business cycle, the study of human action, the concept of “deciding at the margin,” Austrian theories of banking, or the socialist calculation debate.

These names and ideas are great starting places for those who are interested in Austrian economics.  However, it’s always important to take a step back from the conglomeration of names and theories in order to better understand the comprehensive whole. 

Whether you are in the middle of attempting to dissect Mises’ most famous treatise on economics, Human Action, or you have a copy of Economics in One Lesson by Hazlitt sitting on your bookshelf, it is always important to go back and remind ourselves to ask: what is the Austrian School of economics?

Defining the Austrian School of economics

The term “Austrian School” is a label that we use to categorize a certain type of economic methodology.  Now, I understand that labels are often criticized for oversimplifying issues and lumping complex beliefs into broad categorizations.  Leaving aside the fact that this accusation refutes itself (since it labels all labels as being overly broad), this contention also overlooks the reason that we make labels.  We make labels because it helps us to distinguish between different viewpoints, methods, and presuppositional biases.  This clarification is significant because it helps us look for the most compelling reasons to separate various schools of thought from each other.

In the case of the Austrian school, what are the unique distinctions that separate it from other economic schools?  Without getting too technical, let’s look at five of the most basic fundamentals of Austrian economic methodology:

1. Austrian economics is deductive

2. Austrian economics presupposes the axiom that humans act

3. Austrian economics derives methodological individualism from human action

4. Austrian economics rejects empiricism as the standard for proof

5. Austrians economics does not endorse a political ideology

Without further ado, let’s briefly unpack the theory behind each of these principles in order to develop a comprehensive understanding of what Austrian economics is.

1. Austrian economics is deductive

The Austrian School’s economic methodology is an exercise in deductive reasoning.  The big, fancy way to describe Austrian economics is to call it axiomatic deductivism. This means that Austrian economists study human decision-making by starting with a set of fundamental axioms and then reasoning from those axioms to truths about economic principles.  Now, remember, an axiom is a presupposition that cannot be deductively proven, but is nevertheless self-evident and irrefutable.

In this sense, Walter Block says that Austrian economics takes a geometric approach to scientific inquiry.  Much like Euclid’s system of geometry, which builds itself upon fundamental axioms and necessary postulates using abstract theory, Austrian economics systematizes its understanding of human action before diving into the specific circumstances.  Why does this matter?  Because Austrian economics is a thoroughly systematic approach that provides us with a rigorous and robust framework for understanding economic issues.

This does not mean that Austrian economists agree on everything!

Just like there were many debates among Greece’s students of geometry, there are disagreements between Austrian economists over certain issues, including some aspects of methodology.  However, the point is not that Austrians always agree, rather, the point is that they attempt to construct their economic system based upon a generally shared and accepted deductive methodology.  This brings us to the question: what is the starting point for the Austrian methodology?  The answer is found in the second principle of Austria economics:

2. Austrian economics presupposes the axiom that humans act

The fundamental axiom for the Austrian is that humans act.  This is irrefutable because if anyone tries to disprove it, they have to in some way think, read, write, and speak in order to make their argument.  In other words, they have to act in order to prove that humans do not act.

A necessary assumption that is derived from this outcome is that humans act purposefully, given their limited knowledge and means in any given circumstance.  This does not mean that Austrians argue that humans necessarily behave rationally or that they always have good reasons for acting.  It also does not mean that the result of the outcome will align with the individual’s perception of desired results.  It simply means that humans do things because they perceive either a non-negative outcome or a benefit as a result of the action, given the constraints placed upon them.

Murray Rothbard clarified that the Austrian concept of human action, “contrasts to purely reflexive, or knee-jerk, behavior, which is not directed toward goals.”  Austrian economics is not meant to provide us with the tools of studying purposeless and random behavior.  That is left to the domain of other fields of study.

However, the irrefutable fact that humans generally act toward perceived goals remains–and it’s quite evident in the world around us.  People act purposefully and rationally to improve their conditions around them given the state of affairs they find themselves in and the incentives they perceive.  If this wasn’t true, then we wouldn’t have all of the advances of modern civilization.

Therefore, properly speaking, Austrian economics goes beyond the study of exchanges involving money, goods, and services.  Instead, as Mises said, it is a subset of the study of all human decision-making that is purposefully conducted.  The fancy word for this study is praxeology.

3. Austrian economics derives methodological individualism from human action

After having proven human action as a reliable postulate, Austrians move on to the notion of methodological individualism, arguing that individual human actors are the most important factors in understanding  observable causation in this world.  The ultimate question of methodological individualism is: who acts?

Think about it this way: ideas are not people, thus, they cannot act.  Moreover, since a group of people can only exist because multiple individuals are acting within the group, then the notion of a group of people is a helpful description of the concept of multiple people acting—i.e. a group of people is just a descriptive idea.  Therefore, since a group of people is nothing more than an idea, then a group of people cannot act since ideas cannot act.

Thus, businesses, governments, society, neighborhoods, etc. do not act.  Individuals forming associations in such environments are the stimulants of all action that occur within such group frameworks.  This is why Mises argued in Human Action that, “a social collective has no existence and reality outside of the individual members’ actions.”

Again, a clarification point is needed: the concept of methodological individualism as a method of analysis does not carry with it the value implications of a moral or philosophical advocacy of individualism.  By saying that individuals, not groups, act, Austrians are not necessarily saying that the individual is the source of reality or that the individual is the highest form of a moral being.  Regardless of what they personally believe about theology, ethics, and metaphysics, Austrian economists do not claim to answer these questions within their economic methodology, arguing that these issues lie outside of the scope of economic inquiry.

Instead, Austrians are simply saying that if we are to understand purposeful human behavior, we must seek to understand it at its most basic level: the individual human actor.  From this, we can extrapolate to different levels of social cooperation and community behavior, but the Austrian never forgets that the individual is the reason for and the source of action in society.

4. Austrian economics rejects empiricism as the standard for proof

The deductive approach of Austrian methodological individualism starkly contrasts with the empirical and mathematical approaches of much of the rest of economics.  Although Austrians do not contest the notion that economics is a science, they recognize that it is not a quantifiable science in the way that chemistry is a quantifiable science.  Thus, they do not believe that the primary means of understanding economics should come through models, graphs, formulas, and equations.

Because of the plethora of variables involved with each individual action, it is mathematically impossible to understand each variable behind each human action on an aggregate level.  There are literally hundreds of variables acting upon one individual as he faces the decision to make one action.  Multiply this by millions of individuals facing hundreds of their own specialized variables, and you can see why developing mathematical formula to rule and predict human behavior is ultimately futile.  This is why Mises said, “All authors eager to construct an epistemological system of the sciences of human action according to the pattern of the natural sciences err lamentably.”

A few important clarifications are necessary at this point: although Austrians will not deny that there is a place for econometrics and mathematical modeling, the difference between Austrians and most other economists is one of emphasis.  Most mainstream economists place their emphasis on understanding human decision-making with statistics, graphs, GDP, indexes, etc.  Austrians believe that this is a hopeless endeavor and thus emphasize the discovery of economic principles through a deductive approach that incorporates the math, graphs, and statistics when it properly aligns with those economic principles that are established by logic.

The Austrian is not opposed to trying to measure and model economic phenomena; however, he does not believe we can learn the fundamental truths about economics through such empirical analysis.  While isolating variables in biology, physics, and chemistry can indeed tell us more about scientific truths, the inability to isolate variables in economics can potentially lead us to false knowledge if we continue to assume that we can hold “everything else equal.”  If policy and business decisions are enacted based on these false understandings, then there will likely be disruptions, inefficiencies, fraud, and cheating in the market system.

5. Austrians Economics does not endorse a political ideology

Ultimately, the goal of Austrian economics is to tell us both why and how humans act, make decisions, and conduct economic exchanges.  In other words, it’s a “nuts and bolts” explanation for economic transactions and human choice.

It is absolutely not meant to be a moral prescription for government policy.

Although the principles of Austrian economics help us to better understand the economic phenomena associated with modern circumstances and political realities, it cannot be emphasized enough that Austrian economists view their study as a science of inquiry, not necessarily a prescription for policy.

This distinguishes Austrian economics, which is an economic school of thought that attempts to describe the way things happen, from libertarianism, which is a political philosophy that tries to tell us what government and society should look like.  Now, often the two do seem to go together since most Austrian economists nowadays are libertarians.  Furthermore, most of the influential Austrian economists, such as Hayek, Mises, and Rothbard all held to varying degrees of libertarian political philosophy.  Much of the findings of Austrian economics, such as Hayek’s business cycle theory, do seem to mold very well with the ethical and policy prescriptions of libertarians.  Ultimately, however, applying Austrian economic methodology does not require an individual to be a libertarian and vice versa.

That said, many defenders of liberty have found the methodological analysis of Austrian economics to be an important tool in refuting advocates of big brother government.  Austrian economics helps bring the arguments back to reality, pointing statists to the facts that deficit spending creates inflation, that inflation creates unsustainable booms, that government stimulus programs cannot create employment, etc.  Yet, Austrian economic methodology never actually makes any statements about reality outside of what it deduces and observes in human behavior.  Prescriptions about what to do in light of the findings of Austrians are left to the area of political philosophy.

Lesson 1: Conclusion

There is a very deep and rich history behind Austrian economics, going all the way back to Carl Menger who pioneered the Austrian school with his elaboration of the principle of subjective value theory.  Although Austrian economics has unfortunately never been a mainstream viewpoint, its consistency and accuracy in helping us to understand the world around us is forcing scholars of the modern era to check their Keynesian premises and seriously consider the Austrian school.  It is these real-world considerations that will be considered in my next article in this guide to Austrian economics.

Additional Resources

Human Action by Ludwig von Mises (Online version accessible at: http://mises.org/resources.aspx?Id=3250&html=1)

“Praxeology: The Method of Austrian Economics,” by Murray Rothbard (PDF file accessible at: http://mises.org/rothbard/praxeology.pdf)

“Austrian Economics and Libertarianism” by Walter Block (Youtube video of lecture accessible at: http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Xn6TXqgyj_M)

Economics for Real People (2nd ed.) by Gene Callahan (PDF file accessible at: http://mises.org/books/econforrealpeople.pdf)

Obamacare: When Tyranny is Constitutional

File:Robertsoath3.jpgI couldn’t believe it when I saw it on SCOTUSblog at 10:08 a.m, ET. “The individual mandate survives as a tax.”

In those seven words, Amy Howe, the SCOTUSblog reporter who typed the entry, informed the world that Congress now has the “constitutionally” protected power to deny individuals their right to choose whether to participate in the health insurance market.

I was shocked. I was expecting the Court to take a middle-of-the road approach by striking down the individual mandate (and perhaps a few associated provisions) and leaving the rest of the bill intact. I was mentally prepared for much of the bill to remain in place–and ready to remind people that the job was far from finished.

Those seven words proved that no reminder was necessary.

How did we get here?

Let’s rewind a bit. The Senate passed the bill in the dead of night on Christmas Eve. Americans woke up on Christmas morning to the reality that the Affordable Care Act (ACA, a.k.a. “Obamacare”) was one step away from the president’s desk. Sure enough, several months later, the bill was passed by the House and signed by President Obama on March 21, 2010.

Shortly before the House passed the bill, then House Speaker Nancy Pelosi told Americans that “We have to pass the bill so you can find out what’s in it.”  In April, after Obamacare was signed into law, Rep. Phil Hare (D-Ill.) said that “I don’t worry about the Constitution on this, to be honest.”  When some people worried that the individual mandate was an unconstitutional tax on an individual’s right to deny participation in the health insurance market, President Obama and numerous Democrats went on the record saying that the individual mandate was not a tax. At the time, this was supposed to be a semantic legal issue: regardless of whether or not it was a tax, it represented a new power for the federal government to force people into the health insurance market by levying a coercive penalty/tax/fine.

Thankfully, many state governments launched into action to legally oppose Obamacare. They developed multiple angles of attack against the law. Along the way, they heard the federal government’s legal team argue that the individual mandate was, after all, a tax! The reason was because the federal government relied upon two constitutional justifications for the enforcement of the individual mandate, and they needed a back-up in case their first defense strategy failed:

  • Commerce Clause: Article I, Sec. 8 gives the Congress the power to regulate interstate commerce. The federal government argued that health insurance markets had such a substantial effect on interstate commerce that it was within the purview of Congress to regulate it (this was, in part, based on expansive commerce clause precedent set in previous cases such as Wickard v. Filburn)
  • The power to tax: Article I, Sec. 8 also gives the Congress the power to “lay and collect Taxes, Duties, Imposts and Excises.” Assuming that the individual mandate was indeed a tax, then Obamacare could be justified legally under this authority.

Thus, the “tax” argument was the backup plan in case the commerce clause argument failed.  While Obama and the Democrats argued that the individual mandate wasn’t a tax for political purposes prior to its passage, but solicitor general Verrilli argued that it was a tax for legal purposes after its passage.

Oh yeah, and freedom is slavery too.

Chief Justice Roberts: Redefining “Benedict Arnold”

As the solicitor general, Donald Verrilli, literally stumbled through his arguments in defense of the constitutionality of Obamacare, liberty-lovers across the nation began to see a glimmer of hope. When Michael Carvin and Paul Clement eloquently attacked the constitutionality of the health care law, and particularly destroyed the alleged constitutionality of the individual mandate, the floodgates of optimism were opened. A 5-4 conservative majority among the justices, fumbling and bumbling solicitor general, and powerful legal argumentation by Clement and Carvin represented the perfect recipe for at least destroying the constitutionality of the individual mandate–if not the entire law.

Fast-forward to 10:10 a.m. on Thursday, June 28, 2012.  The latest SCOTUSblog update from a reporter named Tom read as follows:

“So the mandate is constitutional. Chief Justice Roberts joins the left of the Court.”

Yep, you read that right.  After the bastardized and unconstitutional birth of Obamacare and its subsequent flaws, mysteries, and inconsistencies were revealed for the world to see, the alleged conservative chief justice of the Supreme Court ruled that it was somehow constitutional.

Perhaps this just signified that chief justice Roberts never really was a conservative and was really a soft-hearted moderate all along. Perhaps this just means that he was caving to political pressure on the part of the Obama administration. Perhaps it was just an evil genius ploy to motivate the Republican base into supporting Romney (one of the absolutely worst arguments I have heard from conservatives thus far to get Roberts off the hook).

Regardless of whatever motivated Roberts to decide in favor of Obamacare (and against the Constitution), the fact of the matter is that he did it. The cost of Obamacare is on his hands as much as it is on Obama’s, Pelosi’s, and Ried’s.  He had a chance to strike down the law (which he should have taken in light of all the relevant moral, legal, and economic considerations), but he did not.

That’s not even ultimately what’s most upsetting. The fact of the matter is that Chief Justice Roberts was appointed on the understanding that he would uphold the United States Constitution–a duty that included providing a check on unconstitutional growths of federal power. We knew that the four liberal justices (Ginsburg, Sotamayor, Kagan, and Breyer) were going to uphold the law…but we did not expect a traitor to the Constitution from a supposedly constitutional conservative member of the bench.

The simple fact of the matter is that Chief Justice Roberts betrayed the Constitution.  Nothing can justify that, even if the conspiracy theory running around about some grand political scheming on Roberts’ part is true (which I highly doubt).  But even if it is true, political scheming is the last thing that a justice of the court should be doing.

No matter what, Roberts is guilty of betraying the Constitution.

It’s a tax, but it’s not!

What was once supposed to be a semantic legal technicality that served to demonstrate the absurd contradictions of the federal government’s case for Obamacare became the cornerstone of Roberts’ decision in favor of Obamacare.

Secretary general Verrilli pushed hard to find legal basis for Obamacare in the commerce clause. Unsurprisingly, Justice Roberts dismissed the constitutionality of Obamacare under the commerce clause, rightfully pointing out that:

“The power to regulate commerce presupposes the existence of commercial activity to be regulated. If the power to ‘regulate’ something included the power to create it, many of the provisions in the Constitution would be superfluous.”

In other words, the government’s top argument for constitutional justification, the commerce clause, is null and void. Fireworks and champagne! Obamacare’s dead, right?

Wrong. Inexplicably, Roberts decided to convert the most ho-hum and perhaps laughable argument of the federal government into the bedrock for affirming the legal validity of Obamacare. That’s right, he decided to say that the individual mandate was justified under Congress’s power to tax. What’s even more absurd is that he decided to arbitrarily accept the federal government’s interpretation that the individual mandate was not really a mandate at all, nor was it a fine, nor was it a penalty. Rather, it was a tax on one’s decision not to buy insurance.

But I thought it wasn’t a tax, President Obama?

Here’s the kicker: either way, the answer should have been that the individual mandate (and thus, the law due to severability) is unconstitutional. Roger Pilon at the Cato Institute points out that, even if you were to accept the interpretation that the individual mandate represents a tax on an individual’s decision not to buy insurance, it’s still not a type of tax listed in the Constitution:

“Congress can ‘tax’ those who don’t buy government approved health insurance. Don’t ask what kind of a ‘tax’ that is! It’s not an income tax. Nor is it a duty, impost, or excise tax, the only kinds of taxes recognized under the Tax Clause of the Constitution, where Roberts purports to rest Congress’s power; and it certainly isn’t ‘uniform throughout the United States,’ as is required for those taxes. It’s sui generis, which is a polite way of saying it’s unconstitutional — if we take the Constitution seriously.” – Roger Pilon

Thus, if the individual mandate had been ruled as not a tax, (which its political defenders all still claim to be true), then it could have only derived its justification from the commerce clause–which Justice Roberts had already shown was invalid.

Let me put it this way: based upon pure legal reasoning and the fact that this was a 5-4 decision, libertarians and conservatives were inches away from their biggest legal victory in the Supreme Court in decades. Sure, this decision would not have overturned disastrous commerce clause precedent set during the New Deal era and afterwards, however, it would have put a check upon the federal government’s limits. It would have overturned the health care law en toto, since the four dissenting justices realized that they could not legally sever the individual mandate from the rest of the law.

Instead of taking this monumental step to reign in governmental power according to the Constitution’s limits, Chief Justice Roberts decided to improperly use the constitutional power to tax as a justification for granting Congress with plenary (i.e. unlimited) authority to force individuals into a market by introducing fines and legally calling them “taxes.”

That is why, as the sun begins to dawn tomorrow morning, we are staring into the future, facing monumental increases in healthcare prices, monopolistic trends in health insurance practices, and substantially decreased quality of healthcare.

All because a tax is not a tax. Except that it is.

As Michael Cannon put it, either “The Supreme Court just enacted a law that Congress never would have passed,” or “The Court just told Congress it is okay to lie to the people to avoid political accountability.”

Justice Kennedy: The Forgotten Hero

Finally, lost in all of the madness of Chief Justice Roberts’ logic, is the fact that Justice Kennedy wrote the dissenting opinion calling for a complete overturning of Obamacare in its totality.

Let me repeat that: Justice Kennedy, along with Thomas, Scalia, and Alito would have overturned Obamacare in its entirety if Chief Justice Roberts would have joined them.

For all of the flak that Justice Kennedy has received for being a moderate swing vote in recent years, I think he buys himself a major “get out of jail free” card with his performance in the health care ruling. The one guy that conservatives were doubting stepped up to the plate and hit a grand slam. Unfortunately, it was not enough–thanks to Chief Justice Roberts treasonous and unforgiveable decision to justify Obamacare with his fellow liberals on the bench.

Nevertheless, my hat is off to Justice Kennedy, Justice Scalia, Justice Alito, and Justice Thomas. I trust that both conservatives and libertarians will never forget their stand against the arbitrary tyranny of Roberts and his counterparts in this decision.

Liberty and Tyranny: What Next?

Obamacare is bad law. Today’s decision does not change that. Nobody can change the fact that congressional members have blatantly dismissed the Constitution as non-binding when referring to Obamacare. No one can deny that any members of Congress actually knew what was in the bill when they passed it. No one can refute the fact that the individual mandate was indeed not severable from the rest of the law and that everything should have been struck down. No one can refute the fact that the majority of Americans don’t want this law.

But yet, we still have it.

Today, the Supreme Court ruled that the federal government has the authority to throw you in jail if you don’t buy health insurance. Don’t believe me? Guess what happens if you don’t pay your taxes. And if the individual mandate is really a tax, then that means individuals will be required to pay it or face fines and jail time. Granting Congress this level of power essentially grants them the power to force us (through taxation) to do whatever Congress wants us to do.

Politically, it’s tyranny.

Constitutionally, it’s unconstitutional.

Economically, it’s the epitome of perverse incentives.

Ethically, it’s evil.

The fight has only just begun. States now will have the option to refuse to set up the mandated health exchanges required by the law, a strategy long endorsed by Michael Cannon at the Cato Institute in case the law were to be upheld. It remains to be seen which states, if any will pursue this strategy, but this has to be the line of defense that citizens angry about the ruling have to fall back to.

On an individual level, the most important thing is to not let go of our love for liberty, for free markets, and for justice. Many of us are angry and rightfully so. However, time and again, when threatened by government encroachments, Americans get angry for a time and then they forget. It’s time to hold on to our desperation a little longer this time. The stakes are higher than they probably have ever been. This is not a call to riot in the streets or encourage lawlessness…we’ll leave that up to union workers in Wisconsin.

However, it is a call to more fervently embrace the principles of limited government, capitalism, liberty, and justice–and to continue spreading that message of liberty to others. We have the winning argument, but the time is running out to convince people.

We’ve been dealt a bad hand, but that doesn’t prevent us from making the most of it.

“…the germ of dissolution of our federal government is in the constitution of the federal judiciary; an irresponsible body (for impeachment is scarcely a scarecrow) working like gravity by night and by day, gaining a little today and little tomorrow, and advancing its noiseless step like a thief, over the field of jurisdiction, until all shall be usurped from the States, and the government of all be consolidated into one. To this I am opposed; because, when all government, domestic and foreign, in little as in great things, shall be drawn to Washington as the center of all power, it will render powerless the checks provided of one government or another, and will become as venal and oppressive as the government from which we separated.” – Thomas Jefferson, Letter to C. Hammond (1821)

Economics is Not a Zero-Sum Game

By Jason Hughey, Capitalism Institute staff writer

_____________________________________________________________________________

All around us, we are surrounded by competition.  One of the most obvious examples of this competition is in the sports world.  A couple weeks ago, the L.A. Kings just won the Stanley Cup finals in a surprising upset over the New Jersey Devils.  Even more recently,  the NBA world was focused on the Finals match up between the Miami Heat and the Oklahoma City Thunder.  The MLB is in full swing for those who are disappointed that hockey and basketball are over for the season.  Meanwhile, NFL and NCAA football fans eagerly await the start of the 2012 football season in the fall.  The key similarity in all of these sports is that they produce only one winner at the end of each season.

As a very competitive individual myself, I know what it’s like to be on both the winning and losing side of things.  Needless to say, I do not like to lose.  I really don’t know anyone who does.

Ok, so what does all this have to do with economics?

Most people perceive the economics of the free market as a competitive struggle for domination.  Much like Miami Heat’s smothering defeat of Oklahoma City in five games, leaving Lebron and Co. at the top of the world and the OKC Thunder grasping for their shattered egos, people think that the free market describes a system of “winners” and “losers” in which the wealthiest come out on top while everyone else is left behind.  The only way to succeed in this cut-throat system is to figure out how to thrive at the expense of others.

Some of this may sound familiar.  The Occupy Wall Street movement tells us that it’s the 1% vs. the 99%.  Marx once told us that it’s the laborers vs. the capitalists (the owners of production).  Labor unions tell us that it’s the employee vs. the corporation.  Protectionists tell us that it’s the United States vs. the rest of the world.  Socialists tell us it’s the rich vs. the poor.

There are few things that anyone could say to me that I would consider less depressing.  If my outlook on life was such that I believed that my material well-being depended upon the extortion and exploitation of others, I would be an extremely angry person.  I would literally hate everyone that partakes in the economic system.  I would be envious of those who had more money because I would feel like they got their money by somehow trampling me underfoot.  I would do everything I could to get someone to take their money and transfer it to me by whatever means necessary.

However, I don’t have an outlook like that.  Neither should you.  Unlike tonight’s game between the Cardinals and Rangers, the system of free markets is not a zero-sum game.  Everyone wins.  Unfortunately, this runs counter to practically everything that we learn from teachers, politicians, labor unions, and protestors on the street.  Society practically intuits the idea that economic success for some must come at the expense of others.

The Division of Labor: A System of Social Cooperation

The French economist, Frederic Bastiat, once wrote a brilliant treatise on the popular economic fallacies of his day entitled, Economic SophismsIn his book, Bastiat identified the nature of man’s economic condition.  In doing so, he paints a picture of what life would be like outside of a market system of production and distribution.  Individuals would have to face the ruggedness of nature on their own—unless they joined an economic order of market exchange.

“On his long journey through life, from the cradle to the grave, man has need to assimilate to himself a prodigious quantity of alimentary substances, to protect himself against the inclemency of the weather, to preserve himself from a number of ailments, or cure himself of them.  Hunger, thirst, disease, heat, cold, are so many obstacles strewn along his path.  In a state of isolation he must overcome them all, by hunting, fishing, tillage, spinning, weaving, building; and it is clear that it would be better for him that these obstacles were less numerous and formidable, or, better still, that they did not exist at all.  In society, he does not combat these obstacles personally, but others do it for him; and in return he employs himself in removing one of these obstacles which are encountered by his fellow-men.”

Bastiat continues to demonstrate how this system works in practice.  He explains that “The physician, for example, does not bake his own bread, or manufacture his own instruments, or weave or make his own coat.  Others do these things for him, and in return he treats the diseases with which his patients are afflicted.”

Thus, each individual in a free economy has the opportunity to specialize in the conquering of some obstacle or impediment that stands against human survival and flourishing.  He offers his specialized ability in removing this impediment to others in exchange for a profit.  They do the same for him.  In the end, by their collective efforts and the medium of exchange, each individual in society is better able to provide for his material well-being.  Note that in such a society, there are no losers.  Everyone benefits by the accumulated collective knowledge that occurs without centralized control.

Note that such an approach to generating prosperity is not in any way tied to an “us vs. them” mentality.  In fact, it runs contrary to all such notions.  Instead of accusing the economic system of trapping mankind in a zero-sum game, where we can only gain at the expense of others, it accurately portrays the market as a system of efficient social cooperation in which everyone wins.  The most successful in such a society do not trample people underfoot, instead, they serve them with their talents and knowledge.

Thus, the division of labor principle shows us one way how economics is not a zero-sum game.  Another way to understand how economics is not a zero-sum game is to remember the subjective theory of value.

Subjective Value Theory: It’s All In How You Look At It

At the end of a baseball game, the final score tells us who wins and who loses.  There’s an objective standard of determining the winner and loser.  However, in economics, all transactions are governed by the principle of the subjective theory of value.  This means that economic goods and services are not locked in some objective standard of value.  There’s no possible economic method that allows us to say that a horse and buggy should be valued today in the same way it would have been valued in the 18th century.

Each individual values economic goods and services subjectively, that is, no economic good holds any intrinsic worth.  The value of goods and services is based entirely on what individuals impute to that good or service.  That’s why a free market society produces so many options as opposed to state-regulated economies.  We value goods based on things like shape, feel, color, style, brand name, need, and a plethora of other factors.

The market exists as a response to this subjective value by providing us with options so that we are not restricted into a cookie-cutter system of production and distribution.  This is the beauty of the price system.  It exists in response to the subjective theory of value.  A free price system is allowed to fluctuate in order to match changes in people’s preferences over time.  This results in people’s subjective, changing preferences being satisfied in the most efficient manner possible.

How can we possibly believe that there are winners and losers when we understand that value is subjective?  I may not see a need to have a mansion with one-hundred rooms in it, but some business tycoons are able to maximize their utility by building such a mansion (they also provide a lot of jobs along the way too).  I may not see a need for a 60” flat screen television, but some people are willing to pay $1,000+ for a really nice television.  In the world of subjective value, that is fine.  Some people buy only specific high-quality suit brands.  I would like to be one of those people one day, but I realize others might not care to own even one suit.

In brief, the subjective theory of value should dictate how adults in a market economy function.  We should understand that everyone around us has different preferences and we respect those preferences.  We certainly shouldn’t complain or accuse them of benefitting at our expense.  Last I checked, if I did not own a Ferrari, and if some business tycoon buys one, then there’s no way to say that he has exploited me.  He’s simply satisfying his subjective value preferences.   If I don’t have the money to buy a Ferrari that he has, that is my fault, not his.  Even if I did have the money to buy his Ferrari, I probably wouldn’t, because my subjective value preferences would not incline me in that direction.

Conclusion

So the next time you’re tempted to look at the world of economics as a competition with ultimate winners and losers, think twice.  Economics is not the study of brutal competition where the rich guy stomps out the poor guy.  Sure, businesses may have competition for the privilege of selling to customers, but that is merely a healthy aspect of the ultimate process of social cooperation that a free market engenders (think about it: businesses are competing for the privilege of serving the consumer!  What other economic system produces a phenomenon where people compete in order to serve?).

Further, think about this: the only time when there are absolute winners and losers in an economic system is when the state uses its power of coercion to declare certain groups winners and other groups losers by an arbitrary, de facto ruling.

If you truly want to see society prosper in a manner that is harmonious and socially cooperative, then you cannot support political measures to favor or restrict one group at the expense of others.  Otherwise, you introduce a zero-sum game into the market when one was never there in the first place.  As Frederic Bastiat said in his book, The Law:

“As long as it is admitted that the law may be diverted from its true purpose — that it may violate property instead of protecting it — then everyone will want to participate in making the law, either to protect himself against plunder or to use it for plunder. Political questions will always be prejudicial, dominant, and all-absorbing. There will be fighting at the door of the Legislative Palace, and the struggle within will be no less furious…Is there any need to offer proof that this odious perversion of the law is a perpetual source of hatred and discord; that it tends to destroy society itself?”

Last season, the St. Louis Cardinals won the World Series.   The New York Giants won the Super Bowl.  Next season, things may turn out differently for both teams, but we will continue to win every day as long as we support a free economic system that engenders a genuine spirit of social cooperation instead of using the state’s coercive authority to produce a zero-sum game.

How to Learn Economics

economicsA lot of people are easily confused about economics.  I talked about some of the misconceptions that produce such confusion in my previous article, “This is Not the Study of Economics.”  However, the good news is that economics does not have to be as hard as it seems.  In fact, once one becomes exposed to economics as it was meant to be understood, it can be the most explicitly clear and intellectually invigorating of all of the social sciences.

Why?

Because economics just makes sense.  My mentor in high school often told me that economics provides us with the razor-sharp knife that cuts through the pseudo-intellectualism of modern day academics.  At the time, I thought he was just being biased due to his academic background in economics.

Yet, I have since learned just how right he was as I have progressed in my education.  Often, when reading through my textbooks or sitting through lectures, I’ve noticed just how absurd and illegitimate many “intellectual” notions are simply because I know things like, “there’s no such thing as a free lunch” or “real savings and production create wealth.”

Yet, where does one begin?  Economics, although fairly basic, still requires some effort and diligence in order to be rightly understood.  Mainly, this is because modern academics and the media purport many ideas as “economic,” but these ideas are really nothing more than pseudo-intellectualism or highly flawed models.  Thus, the importance of understanding economics is not that one has a knowledge of concepts, but rather that one can distinguish between good economics and bad economics.

Different Schools of Economics

There are three main schools of economics that fight for mainstream attention: the Keynesian school (most identified with John Maynard Keynes and Paul Krugman), the Chicago school (most identified with Milton Friedman), and the Austrian school (most identified with Friedrich Hayek and Ludwig von Mises).  This article will proceed with the intent of giving you some basic resources for learning about Austrian economics.  Although this will be the focus of the article, a general—albeit imperfect—distinction should be drawn between the three schools.

Although no school of economics is infallible, the Austrian school of economics generally is the most rational and realistic.  It is premised upon the notion of studying economics as a part of the axiom of human action.

For the Austrian, economic growth and prosperity are based on sound money, real savings, and production.  The value of goods and services is subjective, thus the best way to ration goods and services is through a free and flexible price system that constantly adapts to the changing realities of the market.  Generally, currency should be the result of market competition and not be a fiat paper currency that is printed by the central bank.

In contrast, the Keynesian school of economics is much more mathematically based, although it too has prior assumptions that inform its methodology.  Keynesian economists believe that markets are generally decent, but that they also need significant amounts of restraint and regulation in order to produce an optimal result.  Wealth is generally measured by cumulative macroeconomic totals, such as a nation’s GDP, among other things.  Depressions and recessions result from failures in the market that need to be corrected and stimulated by government spending.  Money should be a matter of fiat paper currency that is controlled and regulated by a central bank.

The Chicago school generally agrees with much of the Austrian analysis regarding competition, flexible pricing, and reduced regulation, however, it agrees with the Keynesian school particularly on monetary policy.  The Chicago school economist generally is more prone to allowing the government the authority to regulate the money supply by the use of paper fiat currency.  Furthermore, the Chicago school favors the scientific approach to economics.   They simply believe their models can, on the whole, defend free market concepts while refuting Keynesian models.

The reason I tend to side with the Austrian school is because I believe they are the most methodologically rigorous and practically realistic.  Additionally, Austrian economists understand that much of modern economics has turned into a math contest rather than a legitimate study of human action.  Thus, one does not have to be a whiz at calculus in order to understand and defend Austrian economics.  This does not imply that the Austrian school is lazy or un-academic.  Rather, it is more grounded in common sense and philosophical rigidity than its counterparts.

Yet, despite the clear and simple nature of Austrian economic principles, one still needs to be able to defend them in this day and age.  To do that requires more in-depth knowledge than being able to recognize the name, “Hayek.”  Therefore, what resources can we look to provide the cornerstone of a good education in proper economic methodology?

Introductory Books and Essays

I, Pencil by Leonard Read – One of the most brilliant essays regarding the division of labor and the power of unregulated individuals pursuing their own economic interest.  Through the story of the production of a single pencil, Read brings to life the power of the free market.

Basic Economics by Thomas Sowell – A very simple, but clear introduction to economics.  It might not be necessarily Austrian, but much of it is highly compatible and complimentary to Austrian thought.  Sowell covers the most basic concepts including the role of self-interest, prices, profit and loss, specialization, monopoly, etc.

Economic Sophisms by Frederic Bastiat – Although Frederic Bastiat was not, strictly speaking, an Austrian economist, he was a forerunner of many ideas that later Austrian economists would espouse.  The great positive about Bastiat is that he is very simple, clear, and succinct.  He paints vivid pictures and uses cutting logic that makes his positions very easy to understand.

Great Myths of the Great Depression by Lawrence W. Reed – One of the most misunderstood period of American history is the Great Depression.  This is so because most individuals do not properly understand the economics surrounding the history of the Great Depression.  Admittedly, statist historians have championed the policies of FDR so persuasively in our history books that they should bear the blame for most students’ inability to really know about what happened in the Great Depression.  That’s where this essay comes in.  In this brief work, Lawrence W. Reed shatters the crusty statist myths surrounding this era with irrefutable research and a sound knowledge of economic history.

The House that Uncle Sam Built by Steven Horwitz & Peter Boettke – Another area of history that Americans do not understand is the recent housing bubble.  Despite the fact that Americans have lived through the recession that resulted from the housing bubble, they do not understand the economics behind it.  In this essay, Horwitz and Boettke break it down to the basics, introducing the reader to a systematic understanding of Austrian business cycle theory while explaining the factors that produced the housing bubble.

Economics for Real People [Online PDF or at Amazon] by Gene Callahan – Callahan’s book provides one of the most basic introductions to the methodology of Austrian economics.  If you are worried about diving into the methodological arguments of Mises and Rothbard, then this would be a much more reasonable starting point for learning the fundamentals of Austrian economics.

Economics in One Lesson [Online PDF or at Amazon] by Henry Hazlitt – Based to a large extent upon Bastiat, Hazlitt covers a wide variety of economic issues from an explicitly Austrian perspective.  Some of the issues that Hazlitt devotes his work to include the fallacy behind the argument that wartime produces prosperity for a nation, the dangers behind wage and price controls, the contemporary attacks on savings, and much more.

Online Resources

The Foundation for Economic Education (FEE) – I had the privilege of interning with FEE during the summer of 2010.  FEE’s website provides many great resources, including audio and video lectures of speakers on a wide range of economic topics.  If you really are interested in economics, you should also look into applying for a FEE summer seminar.

The Ludwig von Mises Institute – The best part about the Ludwig von Mises Institute is that they publish daily articles from Austrian scholars who not only explain economic concepts, but also comment on modern-day issues.  Plus, they have a wide variety of free PDF’s that you can download from past economic thinkers and a great online store!

Videos

Let’s be honest, in the information age, online videos can form a crucial part of informing and educating.  Here are a few that do a great job of conveying basic economic concepts:

Hayek vs. Keynes: Fear the Boom and Bust – The groundbreaking rap video that pits John Maynard Keynes against F.A. Hayek in a discussion about the business cycle.  This is an excellent introduction to one of the key differences between the Austrian and Keynesian schools.

Fight of the Century: Hayek vs. Keynes – Round Two – This rap battle picks up where “Fear the Boom and Bust” left off, treating the viewer to a more well-rounded understanding of the differences between Austrian and Keynesian economists.

Disastrous Economic Fallacies – Terror as Stimulus? – A brief explanation of Bastiat’s famous broken window fallacy.

The Morality of Profit – Some are very quick to condemn profits as evil, but this video forces us to face the reality of how profit is not only useful, but moral.  Ironically, those who critique profit as immoral are much more hypocritical and immoral than are the individuals who generate profit.

Free Trade: The Great Prosperity Machine – This video will erode the misconceptions that many have about free trade.  Often, people are scared of trade because it hurts American jobs, it enriches other nations, or it increases the trade deficit.  This video demonstrates why free trade is ultimately beneficial for all parties involved.

Milton Friedman – Greed – Although Friedman was not an Austrian, his comments on “greed” in this video are very good for a basic understanding of the motives behind economic producers. He also reveals the hypocrisy of those who criticize free markets as being epitomized by greed.

Conclusion

If you are really interested in Austrian economics, I hope the resources above can help you expand your knowledge base.  Ultimately, after perusing the materials above, you should be much more prepared to ignore the absurd fallacies that permeate much of the modern pseudo-economic analysis that we hear from experts and talking heads.

“The most frequent fallacy by far today, the fallacy that emerges again and again in nearly every conversation that touches on economic affairs, the error of a thousand political speeches, the central sophism of the ‘new’ economics, is to concentrate on the short-run effects of policies on special groups and to ignore or belittle the long-run effects on the community as a whole.” – Henry Hazlitt, Economics in One Lesson (p. 2)

 

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