Tag Archives: free trade

The Truth About Trade Deficits

For centuries, the mercantilist perspective has had an unfortunately persuasive voice in policy discussions centering on international trade. Essentially economic nationalism, mercantilism ruled yesteryear’s economy with its advocacy of low imports and high exports to retain a competitive advantage in the war-like international market of zero-sums(Ewert, 1996).

Although now infrequently championed under the title of mercantilism, this philosophy lingers in the popular fear of trade deficits. Many are led to believe that a deficit in trade exists when one nation imports more than it exports, leading to a preference for more “balanced trade” over free trade. The natural consequence of this misplaced fear is the doctrine of protectionism which, like its mercantilist forbearer, advocates strict economic protection of domestic producers from ghoulish international competitors.

However, open markets lead to natural balances without the need of government intervention or harmful protectionism. Thus, rather than a threat to the vitality of the American economy, the perceived trade deficit is factually a misinterpretation of international markets and a flawed justification for truly harmful protectionist policies.

Trade Deficits – The Perceived Problem

The balance of trade argument primarily contends that trade is a battleground where the United States must remain competitive so that America never becomes a “debtor nation” (Ewert 1987, para 3). The argument suggests that if the United States continues in a pattern of importing more physical goods than it exports, then the nation becomes dependent upon other nations and ends in a net loss.

This trade deficit is particularly manifested in the statistic that foreign investments in the American economy surpass American investments in foreign markets. (Ewert 1987, para. 3). Perceived as particularly menacing because of the belief that over-investment in foreign markets lowers domestic production and job creation, the trade deficit problem is a popular villain.

As Mises explains, the trade deficit argument quickly criminalizes the “unpatriotic consumption habits” of private individuals who must be curbed by benevolent government officials who better know how dollars ought to be spent in the interest of domestic prosperity (Mises 1967, 199). If these “unpatriotic” habits are permitted to perpetuate, then jobs and manufacturing processes will cease to exist in the United States and, to survive, Americans will have to entirely rely upon foreign nations.

Unconvinced, Mises argues that these policies are truly oriented to avoid government culpability for inflation and to divert the blame for rising prices on luxury-crazed consumers (193). Mises, and other like-minded thinkers, has further qualms with the trade deficit argument because of the solution that is often offered – protectionism.

Protectionism – The True Problem

The logical solution to the perceived trade deficit problem is to use government force to lower imports and increase exports. This protectionism endeavors to shield domestic producers from competition and to ensure that desired industries remain in business within the United States. However, to achieve that end, the government coercively prevents individuals from accessing desired markets abroad. Such a direct intervention into the economic decisions of private individuals is a violation of the rule of law as well as a threat to the ordering power of unfettered markets.

Thus, these means are not only illegitimate but, as Mises explains, they are also ineffective as citizens consume domestically and consequently drive up domestic prices for goods that are in artificially high demand (1969, 193). If these goods were previously exported to foreign markets, higher domestic prices will likely remove the incentive to sell them abroad and thus lessen the valued export rate.

Similarly, Mises warns that forced and artificial reduction of imports accordingly diminishes the spending power of foreign nations on American products. Thus, already reduced exports are further curbed as foreign consumers lack the capital needed to purchase those American exports that successfully enter the international market (Mises 1969, 193). As such, protectionist policies intended to balance trade actually decrease the exports they are intended to encourage.

Additionally, protectionism harms the foreign nations that mercantilist, balance of trade, and protectionist arguments tend to ignore. As Mises reminds, foreign trade involves multiple parties that all benefit from the exchange and when said exchanges are altered or halted, the standard of living necessarily decreases in the nations whose trade has been restricted (1969, 193). Thus, Mises and others advocate free trade, not balance of trade, as the proper economic persuasion.

Free Trade – The Proper Solution

As W.M. Curtiss explains, free markets completely avoid both favorable and unfavorable balances by simply striking a balance (1996, 36). Open markets will naturally discover the optimum level of foreign trade as both visible and invisible goods are voluntarily exchanged (Curtiss 1996, 37).

This perspective also recognizes the “invisible” elements, including travel and money, which are ignored by deficit arguments that generally only consider physical goods (Curtis 1996, 37). With this in mind, free market perspectives recognize that capital flows are the oft-ignored other side of a nation’s total transactions (Polleit 2005, para. 6). These capital flows, when unfettered by government intervention, also contribute to a natural balancing of voluntary international exchanges.

These voluntary exchanges are, rather than warlike, generally amicable as all concerned parties agree to the terms and outcomes of a particular trade. As Curtiss elaborates, “If you’re out of gas, you don’t feel hostile toward the person who sells you some” (1996, 37). The assumptions behind balance of trade policies ignore the fact that sometimes individual American consumers import the proverbial gas and, at other times, they export it. Such a process is both natural and expected.

Conclusion

With all of this in mind, it is clear that the trade deficit argument, and the proposed protectionist solution, reflects an illegitimate and improper understanding of international trade. As such, as David Hume powerfully argues, the “strong jealousy with regard to the balance of trade” and according fear that “[wealth] may be leaving” is a “groundless apprehension” not unlike a concern that “all…springs and rivers should be exhausted.” (1742, para. 4). Truly, just as rain replenishes the water supply, unhindered “people and industry” replenish the market (1742, para 4).

About The Author:

The above was written by Leah Stiles, a student of government and history at Regent University. She has completed a Koch leadership program and an internship with the Foundation for Economic Education.

References

Curtiss, W.M. (1996). The Tariff Idea. Irvington-on-Hudson, NY: Foundation for Economic Education.

Ewert, Ken C. (November, 1987). “The Trade Deficit” in The Freeman 37:11.

Hume, David. (1742). On The Balance of Trade.

Mises, Ludwig von. (1967). “On the International Monetary Problem” in Economic Freedom and Intervention: An Anthology of Articles and Essays edited by Bettina Bien Greaves.

Mises, Ludwig von. (1969). Interview with Professor Percy L. Greaves in Economic Freedom and Intervention: An Anthology of Articles and Essays edited by Bettina Bien Greaves.

Polleit, Thorsten. (November, 2004). “The Trade Deficit: An Austrian Perspective” in Mises Daily.

Why Regulations Rarely Fix Anything

The following was written by Sam Paul, a student at New Saint Andrews College. If you wish to write something for this website, click here.

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Senator Mary Landrieu, D-Louisiana, announced proposed legislation that would prohibit airlines from charging passengers for their first check-in luggage. The purpose is to prevent airlines from charging “unfair fees”, while encouraging them to ease up on the carry-on items (Fox News, 11/21/11).

This is ludicrous. The legislation simply force airlines to raise prices on their tickets in order to compensate for the lost revenue, and is also yet one more intrusion of government into the private market. Taking it one step further, however, the proposed bill reflects an underlying assumption that America has developed about government since FDR’s “New Deal”. They assume that Government is a corrective device.

That people want governmental correction is quite evident, considering recent government initiatives. 2009 saw the Cash for Clunkers program, designed to correct our overdependence on gas-guzzling rigs (New York Times, 7/20/09). 2009 also witnessed a tobacco tax hike from 39 cents a pack to $1.01 per pack, the largest federal tobacco tax hike in history (USA Today, 4/3/2009). The Federal Government has increasingly tried to influence the patterns and habits of its citizens, rather than allowing them the freedom to decide for themselves.

Obviously, the assumption is skewed. “This view is false. A democratic government is merely a method of social organization, a process through which individuals collectively make choices and carry out activities.” (Gwartney, Common Sense Economics)

Lab Test: Governments Don’t Ensure Beneficial Economics

In fact, government initiatives that rely on majority vote rarely work out for the benefit of everyone. Let’s use a 5-man economy to demonstrate.

Plan A

Say that the cost of a project is $60, and it generates only $50 worth of benefit. Since the costs exceed the benefits, the project is clearly unproductive and should be rejected.

But, if the costs are equally allocated among the 5 voters, for $12 each, and are decided by majority vote, the project will be undertaken. 3 of the 5 voters would receive $15 in benefits, as opposed to the 2 remaining voters who would receive $3 and $2 in benefits. The costs imposed on the 2 voters would be substantially greater than their benefits, but since they are in the minority, they can’t do anything about it.

Plan B

In this alternative, the costs will be allocated according to the benefits received by each voter. Now, voters who receive a larger share of the benefits are required to pay a larger share of the cost. Now, the 3 voters will receive 30 percent of the benefits ($15 of the $50 total), but they will be required to pay 30 percent of the taxes to support the project. The 2 remaining voters would be required to pay only 6 and 4 percent of the cost, because this represents their share of the total benefits.

With that system in place, all five voters will vote “no” on the project because their share of the cost will exceed their benefits.

This illustrates an extremely important point: When voters pay in proportion to the benefits received, all voters will lose if the government action is unproductive, and all will gain if it is productive. (Gwartney, Common Sense Economics)

Consequences

With the illustration in mind, it’s obvious to see why these government initiatives have negative impacts overall.

Cash for Clunkers program only increased the demand and cost of other used cars, since a portion of the supply had been intentionally destroyed. Though it benefited the citizens who utilized the program and car dealerships, it had a negative impact on the remaining population who had to pay for the program itself through tax dollars and also for their more expensive used cars. (Miller, Sound Politics, 6/13/11)

The same impact would result from the airline legislation. Though certain passengers would save from not having to pay for their checked-in luggage, the cost for airline tickets would rise overall.

Government isn’t meant to be a corrective device. The sooner American voters realize this, the sooner we’ll be able to elect like-minded officials.

Does Free Trade Hurt Developing Economies?

emerging economies The other day, I was in a class on political economy and economic development in which we discussed whether or not Adam Smith was right about the benefits of free trade when it came to poor nations.

Everyone in the room unhesitatingly agreed that deregulated markets in rich Western countries have been much more effective at providing for the material needs of individuals.

Yet, when the point was considered that “Third World” nations have been left behind as Western capitalist nations have surged ahead, students were quick to place the blame on free trade for hindering poor nations.

Why?

Because these poverty-stricken nations lack the technology, infrastructure, and ability to compete with nations that have a tradition of deregulated markets and free enterprise. Consequently, some felt that free trade is harmful to poor nations because rich nations will only trade with other rich nations. The poor nations are thus condemned to miserable poverty, meaning that free trade only benefits economically powerful nations.

That’s when I decided it was time to say something. I asserted that free trade is the only way that poor countries can ever hope to rise out of their poverty. I asserted that history has proven this to be the case, citing Hong Kong and Chile as readily powerful examples. I mentioned that trade is a mutually beneficial endeavor in which the parties of both nations benefit through voluntary transaction, thereby actually increasing wealth in both nations.

In short, of all the nations in the world, we should be most ready to agree that free trade most helps the poor. And yet, that’s where most students (and professors) present their “intellectual” doubts about the merits of free trade. Therefore, in order to inform those unfamiliar with the transforming power of free trade and to encourage those who already agree with this notion, I want to assert and defend one general principle about poor nations.

If you keep this one thought with you as you learn about free trade and international markets, it will save you a boatload time and effort when faced with the absurd proposition that free trade brutalizes poor nations.

Poor nations are poor because of government intervention.

The Nature of Trade and its Benefits

Very simply, consider what trade is on an individual level. Trade occurs when Kirk wants what Kelly has while Kelly wants something in return. Thus, Kirk offers Kelly something of his own (either an item, service, or money). Kelly perceives the trade as beneficial to herself, so she accepts Kirk’s offer. As a result, both are more pleased about their material situation than they were prior to the trade. Does this change when Kirk is from Sweden and Kelly is from Canada?

Of course not. Nor does it change when Kirk’s company is South African and Kelly’s company is Japanese. To argue that adding more people to the mix, or that changing a flag means that trade is not beneficial, makes absolutely no sense.

Thus, what really hurts poor countries? There are only one of two options that we can consider, and in both of them, trade is not the culprit: 1) Either the governments of rich countries refuse to allow trade with poor countries, leaving people in both countries worse off; or 2) the governments of poor countries refuse to allow trade with rich countries, leaving people in both countries worse off.

Notice that, in both scenarios, the mutually beneficial action of voluntary trade between individuals of different nations is disrupted by the controlling force of an intervening state actor. It is not trade that is harmful, but the lack of trade caused by governments that keep poor countries in their wretched poverty.

For the purposes of this article, I will only consider poor nations whose governments disallow trade by taking control of their economies, but someone could easily point to many U.S. domestic subsidies and tariffs that act to discourage Americans from importing cheaper and better products from many poorer nations. But an article on regulations by the governments of rich nations can be left for another time.

The Third World’s War against Free Trade

Doug Bandow (1996) observed that, “Unfortunately, as decolonization quickened after World War II, most Third World states traveled the socialist path. The decision was in part nationalistic: African state, in particular, believed that true independence required indigenous control of economic resources” (“The First World’s Misbegotten Economic Legacy to the Third World,” in The Revolution in Development Economics, 1998, p. 208).

Unfortunately, this movement to collectivize the economies of Third World countries turned out to be a highly beneficial trade-off for the governing officials of these nations, but it condemned their citizens to a wretched existence. As Bandow noted, “control of the economic system helped assure continued political domination for ruling groups” (Bandow, 1996, p. 208-209).

Meanwhile, as governments accumulated whatever material wealth there was to be had, poor people struggled, starved, and succumbed to the tyranny of their political overlords. They experienced the reality of a life in which their government could literally steal whatever they owned while forbidding them to trade their goods and services to foreigners for a profit. The result of such tight-fisted regulation was not only poverty, but also instability, war, sickness, and crushing misery.

After all, what else are people to do when they can’t improve their well-being through peaceful production, honest effort, and voluntary exchange?

Simaltaneously, in the West, intellectuals and politicians condemned free trade as the source of evil in these countries. Even beyond this absurdity, these central planners called for the corrupt socialist governments of Third World nations to bring about economic development, disregarding the true sources of sustainable development as grounded in free trade. As Bandow noted in the same essay, “Western officials encouraged ambitious leaders of small countries to drag their peoples into the industrial age as quickly as possible” (1996, p. 209).

Of course, foreign aid was pumped into these governments to encourage their economic growth as quickly as possible.

In the midst of these proposals, absent were recommendations that encouraged free trade, even though such a solution would have permitted foreign investors and multi-national corporations to create jobs and provide for true economic development in these countries. Thus, for the sake of upholding the corrupt governments of these Third World nations, the poor individuals within them were doomed to economic failure—not because of trade, but because of the lack of it.

The results are evident today. A brief perusal of the Heritage Foundation’s “Index of Economic Freedom” shows that countries with the lowest levels of economic freedom are names synonymous with repression and economic misery. Countries like North Korea, Zimbabwe, Cuba, Venezuala, Libya, Burma, the Democratic Republic of Congo, Turkmenistan, Chad, Uzbekistan, Angola, Libera, Ecuador, and Belarus all have significant economic restrictions on domestic and international trade and none stand as beacons of economic power and material prosperity.

On the contrary, countries like Chile, Singapore, and Hong Kong, who had histories of economic control and repression, but which ultimately liberalized their markets, are now contemporary symbols of economic development, growth, and prosperity.

If, during the early 1950’s, one had walked among the rocky hills where Hong Kong stands today, there would have been no way to predict the bustling, mighty commercial city that would arise simply because people would be allowed to own what they produced and trade it for things they liked better.

Conclusion

In short, poor nations have been poor because their governments have prevented trade. If they remain stuck in the Third World today, it’s because their governments still do not allow trade. If they will be forever doomed to poverty, it will be because they continue to disallow the free flow of goods and services across their borders.

Admittedly, this is not an iron rule of physics, and thus, objections may be raised by the diligent statist researcher in particular case studies, but it cannot be generally disproven. Remember this principle—that the primary cause of poverty in Third World nations is government—and you will be able to slice through much of the absurd confusion that dominates academia’s thinking regarding the effects of free trade on the poor.

“The state is not a producer of wealth. It shapes conditions that encourage the creation of wealth. But it also frequently represents political institutions that impede expanding welfare. The state can, and frequently does, obstruct the wealth-creating process and contribute to sustained poverty. Its wealth-impeding activities yield an economic rent to a small group with access to sociopolitical institutions. The emerging social organization of Western societies will thus determine whether a nation accumulates wealth or persists in poverty.” – Karl Brunner, “The Poverty of Nations,” in The Revolution in Development Economics (1998), p. 54.

References

Bandow, D. (1998). The First World’s Misbegotten Economic Legacy. In The Revolution in
Development Economics (pp. 207-228). ed. J. Dorn, S. Hanke, & A. Walters, Washington D.C.: Cato Institute.

Brunner, K. (1998). The Poverty of Nations. In The Revolution in Development Economics (pp.
41-54). ed. J. Dorn, S. Hanke, & A. Walters, Washington D.C.: Cato Institute.

Written by Jason Hughey, Capitalism Institute staff writer.

Copyright Capitalism Institute, 2011-present.